The chancellor has tackled the upcoming financial plan similar to a reluctant bather inching into cold water, attempting to ease the discomfort through incremental exposure.
Reeves began addressing the problem of inadequate funds near the end of summer. Initially, she declined to uphold earlier statements that revenue hikes in last year's financial statement would be the ultimate ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a more significant step into the cold sea. A speech vowed to "do what is necessary" to fund public services and maintain loan interest under control.
Within 10 days, the Treasury had pulled back the suggestion. The manifesto commitment remained intact ultimately. Similar to any cold-water swimmer understands, this cancelled dive and shivering pullback is the worst of all methods. No tactic extends the discomfort like uncertainty.
It's hard to be decisive when selecting between degrees of self-inflicted damage.
Optimism has not been a successful strategy for this government. At the core of Keir Starmer's election bid was the vain belief of somehow fulfilling the public's call for enhanced government services without reversing significant amounts of Conservative reductions in taxation.
At no point has both the prime minister or Reeves adequately communicated a feeling of shared mission to explain all this hardship. Partly that is a issue of leadership presence. Both leaders are strikingly comparable in their ineffective messaging, stilted and reserved in a way that repels the public away instead of drawing them closer.
Just as public demand to support state services has pushed the Treasury to admit that revenue must rise, the commercial requirement of improving growth makes it more challenging to disregard the expense of disconnection from the continental trading bloc.
The government devoted a year dabbling in the shallow end of closer ties with the EU: proposals to remove customs checks on food items; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has to date been finalized.
In the absence clear direction and impetus from the prime minister's office, discussions are bogged down. EU officials says economic advantages are obtained with payments to the EU budget. British officials understand that's the deal. That doesn't cause them keen for a open dispute and political opponents shouting disloyalty over the eventual amount ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has provoked some change in the government's rhetoric on the European question. She has commenced citing Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a factor of financial harm that the Treasury is toiling to fix. Government colleagues have emulated this, although they cautiously assign the blame to "poor negotiation terms" or "the manner of departure", never just "leaving".
The issue of the UK's future relationship with the European Union can't be reduced to procedural changes and customs systems when the entire international system is in constant change. In light of everything that has occurred since 2016, it feels reasonable still to be posing the big question: were Britain's interests promoted by leaving the European Union?
These represent cold, uncomfortable realities about the nation's predicament in turbulent international waters. It is not surprising that the prime minister and the chancellor flinch from the responsibility. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into forces that they will not oppose. So instead they continue apprehensively moving along the water's edge, wishing that possibly in the near future the tide will shift.
Lena is a digital design expert with over a decade of experience in UI/UX and creative technology, passionate about sharing innovative design solutions.